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AbstractThis article deals with a question foregrounded by historian Willem van Schendel in his seminal 2002 article 'Geographies of Knowing, Geographies of Ignorance': how do arms, arms flows, and associated regulatory practices reshape the geometries of authority and power in borderlands? The rich transdisciplinary literature on borderlands has fruitfully deployed van Schendel's insights to re-spatialise areas and states but has devoted scant attention to such question. Drawing from 'new materialist' scholarship in IR and the concept of scale in political geography, the paper argues that fluid and fractionally coherent combinations of weapons as technical objects that come from somewhere, rationalities, and techniques of arms control reproduce multiple scales of territorial authority and struggles over scaled modes of governing violence in borderlands. Such struggles of scales and about scale constantly reconfigure the territorial arenas of authority on violence at the edge of the state. Based on fieldwork in Ta'ang areas of northern Shan State, Myanmar, the article develops an empirical analysis of encounters between explosive devices/landmines and the subjects and spaces they target. Delving into the processes and practices of 'making' and controlling the 'landmine', I find that different socio-political orders confront themselves through rationalities, techniques, and practices of humanitarian arms control via which they navigate/jump across scales, forge new ones, or mobilise multi-scalar alliances. Different types of 'dead' and 'alive' landmines nonetheless defy these attempts at rescaling territorial authority over violence by acting in unforeseen manners at the scale of their own ecologies of violence.

What is the role of arms in insurgency? Despite growing attention to the study of conflict and non-state belligerents, the linkages between weapons and armed conflict have remained under-researched. This paper explores practices and processes of firearms availability and control in insurgencies and argues that these should be understood in mutual relation with the constitution and distribution of authority. The contributions of the article are twofold. By conceptually systematizing recent shifts in the literature on civil wars and elaborating on small arms and light weapons research, it offers a novel heuristic framework to understand weapons-insurgency relations that revolves around the concept of firearms as "meta-resources" and gestures towards non-deterministic approaches. Second, based on empirical analysis conducted through two embedded case studies, it argues that patterns of authority in the insurgencies taken into consideration in Myanmar and Ukraine dialectically emerged with processes of arms acquisition by armed non-state actors.

Abstract
This article compares Nazi propaganda items to fake news published on Italian social media. Propagandistic fake news in Italy is a hot topic highlighted globally by The New York Times and other international media, as it is widely recognized that this issue is compromising the correct development of political communication. Drawing on propaganda studies, multimodality, Van Leuween's categories of social semiotic inquiry and Stuart Hall's analysis of photography, the article analyses propagandistic items published in the Nazi magazine Der Stürmer from 1928 to 1942, and memes published on Italian social media and gathered by the website www.bufale.net. The results show that in the Nazi item drawings had the function of inventing reality, while photographs did not lie at the visual level. It was the caption, instead, which invented reality. By contrast, the analysis of the Italian propagandistic items demonstrates that photographs 'fabricate' reality, as drawings did in the Nazi case. To quote Stuart Hall, in the past each Nazi photograph did not lie, but showed various potential meanings, while the caption selected one of them to stress it. In the Italian case, photographs lie, as they present a reality that is invented and falsely connected to the topic of the meme. It is the caption, instead, that constructs the propagandistic meaning. In conclusion, the article underlines how propagandistic photographs have changed the relationship between image and caption.

Abstract
'In hoc signo vinces!' is the phrase that the Roman emperor Constantine saw written in the sky next to a cross in 312 AD: a mystical apparition, shortly before the battle of Milvio Bridge, just outside the city of Rome. The phrase means 'in this sign you will win', and it was a good omen, as Constantine defeated Massenzio and put an end to his reign. This phrase has been chosen as the title of this study, which concerns the 'signs' that political parties adopted in Italy from 1946 to the present, as these parties have created these signs in order to strike a chord with the citizens and win elections. Apart from the historical account of how these symbols have changed, the aim of this study was to find out to what extent these changes may be read as mirrors of broader shifts, especially in terms of negotiation between the old political language and new, de-ideologized visual languages.

This article analyses magazines and books of Nazi propaganda representing meat in order to demonise the Jews. Nazism adopted controversial policies on meat. On the one hand, it banned vegetarian associations; on the other hand, Hitler and many Nazi officials professed their vegetarianism. Moreover, Nazi Animal Protection Law protected animals from the same tortures that the Nazis inflicted in the concentration camps. The article draws on Bauman's theory that Nazism may be understood through the opposition purity/impurity, and on Gambrill's propaganda studies. Moreover, it is based on Elias's Civilising Process and on Fullbrook's 'uncivilising process'. Finally, it focuses on other studies on Nazism and on ancient myths on animals revived by the Nazis. Qualitative propaganda and semiotic analysis focuses on Jews dealing with producing, selling and eating meat. Magazines and books have been sampled according to maximum variation strategy, and therefore this study focuses on a great variety of propagandistic images and texts. Results show that propaganda targeted the Jewish slaughterers, dealers, butchers and eaters in order to represent them as involved in the uncivilising process. In the end, meat contributed to the representation of the Jew as 'impure'. Related to this, blood is overrepresented and is often part of a code of violence that depicts the Jew as separate from the rest of the world, as threatening the German civilising process and, again, as impure. Moreover, the symbolic meat eating contributed to the fabrication of the legend of the Jews as human flesh eaters. Finally, propaganda for children conveyed the Nazi criminal message more directly than any other form.

This article analyses the gender issues raised by the representation of the woman in the kitchen on Italian food TV. In Italy, food and women have always been constructed as a whole, but today this model seems to be redundant. Controversial postfeminist readings of Nigella's cooking shows and Williams' categories of dominant, emergent and residual help investigate, in a constructivist sense, how Italian TV deals with this social change. Through qualitative, semiotic and gender analyses, the article focuses on three Italian food shows broadcast at noon. Results show that the three programmes mediate the role of the woman, drawing on the model of trattorie, traditional Italian restaurants in which the women cook and the men serve the tables. This negotiation helps balance gender relations without revolutionary outcomes. In fact, at the same time, it modernises the old model of the housewife and does not move the woman out of the kitchen.

Varia ; International audience ; The arrival of Napoleonic troops in Italy shape the way Italians imagine political change. This article shows how this odd revolution, imported by French armies, was described by Italian patriots: an intimate, deep regeneration of Italian society and individuals. In the new republican system, citizens are supposed to live politics as a religious or sentimental experience.In the Nineteenth Century, even if Risorgimento owes a lot to ideas and men from the French Revolution, Italians patrioti do not live in the nostalgia of revolutionary times. Otherwise, they challenge the French revolutionary model, trying to make their efforts towards Italian unification stand out. This battle against the French Revolution is led by both moderates and democrats of the Italian nationalistic movement, even if their purposes are very different. ; L'arrivée de troupes napoléoniennes en Italie en 1796 façonne la manière dont les italiens conçoivent le changement en politique. Tout d'abord, l'article veut démontrer comment la drôle de révolution apportée par les armées françaises soit décrite comme une régénération intime et profonde de la société italienne. Dans les nouveaux régimes républicains les citoyens sont censés vivre la vie politique comme une expérience religieuse ou sentimentale.Dans le XIXe siècle, alors que le contact avec les idées et les hommes de la Révolution française est un des ingrédients principaux des origines culturelles du Risorgimento, les patriotes italiens ne se lézardent pas sur le souvenir de la décennie révolutionnaire. Ils lancent plutôt un défi intellectuel et politique au modèle révolutionnaire français, en cherchant de distinguer leur activisme pour l'unification italienne de la mémoire de 1789. À cette entreprise les modérés et les démocrates qui composent le mouvement nationaliste italien participent avec le même zèle, même si leurs finalités restent très différentes.

The arrival of Napoleonic troops in Italy in 1796 shapes the way in which Italian people design change in politics. First of all, the article seeks to demonstrate how the revolution drill brought by the French armies is described as an intimate and deep regeneration of Italian society. In the new republican regimes, citizens are supposed to live political life as a religious or emotional experience. In the 19th century, while contact with the ideas and men of the French Revolution was one of the main ingredients of the cultural origins of Risorgimento, Italian patriots did not dwell on the memory of the revolutionary decade. Rather, they pose an intellectual and political challenge to the French revolutionary model, seeking to distinguish their activism for Italian unification from the memory of 1789. The miners and democrats that make up the Italian nationalist movement take part with the same zeal, although their aims remain very different. ; Varia ; The arrival of Napoleonic troops in Italy in 1796 shapes the way in which Italian people design change in politics. First of all, the article seeks to demonstrate how the revolution drill brought by the French armies is described as an intimate and deep regeneration of Italian society. In the new republican regimes, citizens are supposed to live political life as a religious or emotional experience. In the 19th century, while contact with the ideas and men of the French Revolution was one of the main ingredients of the cultural origins of Risorgimento, Italian patriots did not dwell on the memory of the revolutionary decade. Rather, they pose an intellectual and political challenge to the French revolutionary model, seeking to distinguish their activism for Italian unification from the memory of 1789. The miners and democrats that make up the Italian nationalist movement take part with the same zeal, although their aims remain very different. ; International audience The arrival of Napoleonic troops in Italy shape the way Italians imagine political change. This ...

Varia ; International audience ; The arrival of Napoleonic troops in Italy shape the way Italians imagine political change. This article shows how this odd revolution, imported by French armies, was described by Italian patriots: an intimate, deep regeneration of Italian society and individuals. In the new republican system, citizens are supposed to live politics as a religious or sentimental experience.In the Nineteenth Century, even if Risorgimento owes a lot to ideas and men from the French Revolution, Italians patrioti do not live in the nostalgia of revolutionary times. Otherwise, they challenge the French revolutionary model, trying to make their efforts towards Italian unification stand out. This battle against the French Revolution is led by both moderates and democrats of the Italian nationalistic movement, even if their purposes are very different. ; L'arrivée de troupes napoléoniennes en Italie en 1796 façonne la manière dont les italiens conçoivent le changement en politique. Tout d'abord, l'article veut démontrer comment la drôle de révolution apportée par les armées françaises soit décrite comme une régénération intime et profonde de la société italienne. Dans les nouveaux régimes républicains les citoyens sont censés vivre la vie politique comme une expérience religieuse ou sentimentale.Dans le XIXe siècle, alors que le contact avec les idées et les hommes de la Révolution française est un des ingrédients principaux des origines culturelles du Risorgimento, les patriotes italiens ne se lézardent pas sur le souvenir de la décennie révolutionnaire. Ils lancent plutôt un défi intellectuel et politique au modèle révolutionnaire français, en cherchant de distinguer leur activisme pour l'unification italienne de la mémoire de 1789. À cette entreprise les modérés et les démocrates qui composent le mouvement nationaliste italien participent avec le même zèle, même si leurs finalités restent très différentes.

"This article analyses traditional Italian fairy tales retold by Italo Calvino in 1956 and their relationships to nature and culture. Zoosemiotics, a branch of both semiotics and animal studies, argues that nature and culture are not separated and in contrast and that, instead, culture is a limited part of nature. This conceptual change envisions different relationships between humans and animals as well as more broadly the end of animal anthropomorphism. Methodologically, the article applies a zoosemiotic analysis to the Italian fairy tales retold by Calvino. The article concludes that some animals in the fairy tales are still anchored to the old view while others move towards the cultural terrain, showing cultural attitudes and inhabiting a cultural area usually reserved for human animals. This shift leads to an inverted semiotic destiny of humans and animals in fairy tales: while animals are traditionally represented as symbols, Calvino's rewriting turns them into icons, representing only themselves, marked by a neat individuality and independence from their species; while humans are, conversely, usually represented as icons, Calvino's stories turn them into symbols, such as ingratitude or jealousy. The article shows the usefulness of zoosemiotics and nature/culture in analysing non human-animals in fairy tales and adds to earlier studies considering non-human animals in Calvino's fairy tales as an epitome of Anthropocene. Keywords: animal studies, fairy tales, Italo Calvino, zoosemiotics, nature and culture, anthropomorphism, Puss in Boots "